The first period of the Ruthenian autonomy lasted a little less than a month – between 08.10.1938 and 2.11.1938 – and was characterized by an orientation toward Hungary. However, after the annexation of the south-west of the region to Hungary, the limited autonomy assumed a distinctly Ruthenian-Ukrainian character, and its capital was established in the town of Huszt.
On March 13, 1939, on the eve of the Czechs’ withdrawal from the region, the Ruthenians declared complete independence – and this lasted for a day until it was cruelly suppressed by the Hungarian army, which conquered the rest of the region on the following day. With the establishment of an autonomy, the Autonomous Prime Minister (after its reduction), Rev. Augustin Vološin, received greetings from Nazi Germany and hastened to establish an armed militia, called Sich. The purpose of the militia was to expedite the Ukrainianization of the region and most of its members, some of whom came from the neighboring Galicia and the Ukraine, were known for their anti-Semitism and nationalism.
The period of autonomy is mentioned in some of the testimonies of Jews from Huszt – in the vast majority of cases concerning the days before the Hungarian occupation. In all cases, the absence of organized government, the anti-Semitism of the Ruthenian-Ukrainian nationalists, the various disturbances of the Sich, and what was first perceived as the Hungarian “liberation” are emphasized.
On December 28, 1938, a Jewish delegation received a promise from Voloshin to preserve the existing situation for the Jews. The lack of evidence regarding the quality of Jewish life in the region during this period (apart from its last days) does not allow us to know how much of this commitment has been fulfilled, if at all. However, because the area remained under Czech sovereignty and since the Czech army was present throughout the period, in most cases the Jews were sufficiently protected. Economically, all the testimonies mention the economic decrees of the Hungarian government, and therefore, in this area as well, most of the Jews were not yet significantly affected during this period. However, there were certain cases in which Jews were harmed, especially those who were expelled from the area of the Ruthenian-Ukrainian autonomy to Hungary, or vice versa. Many of them were forced to spend long periods of time in border areas and under very difficult human conditions, since they were not allowed to enter the place to which they were expelled.
In the territory of the Ruthenian-Ukrainian autonomy, in contrast to the parts of the region occupied by the Hungarians, legal Zionist activity continued, albeit in a limited manner. The HeChalutz Hatzair movement decided to transfer its center in Munkács, which was annexed to Hungary, to Huszt in early November 1938 and issued a circular on November 29, 1938, calling for the continuation of the activities. Another circular from December 1, 1938 also discusses the possibility of going to training, conducting seminars and taking care of movement clubs throughout the region. There is no evidence of Zionist activity during this period, but it is reasonable to assume that the political events – the annexation of the Sudetenland to Nazi Germany, the declaration of the Slovak Autonomy on October 7, 1938, and the division of the Carpathians between Hungary and the Ruthenian-Ukrainian autonomy – disturbed Zionist activity, that was disconnected from its centers in Prague and in Budapest. The training centers for youth wishing to emigrate to Palestine, most of which were in the Czech Republic and Slovakia, were dismantled and their members were forced to return to their homes. A report by the Central Committee of HeChalutz Hatzair in Hust dated 02.02.1939 shows that there was a plan to establish two training companies in the area that was still under Czech sovereignty. The Hungarian occupation put an end to these plans.
Testimonies indicate that the members of the Sich planned pogroms against the Jews of Huszt and prepared a list of Jews, especially the wealthy, whom they planned to kill and rob their property. Many witnesses mention the processions of the city’s Sich activists, but there is no evidence of actual physical violence in the period prior to the last days of the Ruthenian autonomy. Apparently, Voloshin was influenced by quite a few moderate persons around him and did not allow the most extreme elements to materialize. He may even have rejected German pressure to take measures against the Jews in the areas of autonomy and contributed to the cessation of mutual deportations between the autonomous territory and Hungary.
The last days of the Ruthenian autonomy were bloody – a sign of the future. The retreat of the Czechs from the region was quite hasty and was exploited by the Ruthenians to declare full independence. As far as the Jews were concerned, there were apparently intentions to carry out the pogroms and property theft planned earlier. However, these plans came to an end, together with the other hopes of Ruthenian-Ukrainian independence, in a bloodshed carried out by the Hungarian conquerors, who slaughtered the Sich members. These days are described in some of the testimonies and sources. Apparently, at the beginning of March 1939, battles broke out between the Sich and the Czech Army in several places in Huszt. Apparently, because of the Czech withdrawal from the region, the Ruthenians managed to take control of the town for a few days, and during these days of mid-March, the rampage of the Sich people came to its peak, including towards the Jews.
There is no explicit reference in the testimonies to the behavior of the “normal” Ruthenian population during the entire period of autonomy, and, in particular, during the last days of autonomy. It is very likely that the Ruthenians – at least the Ukrainian nationalists – rejoiced at the positive development in connection with their national aspirations and hoped for full independence. It is not inconceivable that many of them were not particularly interested in the plight of their Jewish neighbors, because of anti-Semitism, which grew mainly during the Czech rule, and because of indifference or egoism. However, it is reasonable to assume that there were also those who were sensitive to the situation of the Jews and even aided them.
The occupation of the region by the Hungarian army in mid-March did not go along with the national aspirations of the Ruthenians, and they decided to fight the Hungarian army in a desperate attempt to stand up for their hopes for independence. This attempt was indeed desperate and ended with the Sich massacre carried out by Hungarian soldiers. This massacre was widely described by the Jewish witnesses, which indicates that the Hungarian occupation was perceived by the Jews as a liberation from the dangers of the Ruthenian-Ukrainian autonomy. Some of the testimonies even describe in a rather detailed manner the welcome received by the Hungarians from the townspeople in Huszt, including the Jews. None of them imagined that the new Hungarian occupation will bring along one of the darkest chapters of the Carpathian Jewish history and, in fact, will be the beginning of a long series of torments that ended with the destruction of the Jewish communities in a region under German occupation.